The heart seemed so full and open,

Reveling in joy and contentment.

Yet it was not to be,

The heart left wanting and damaged.


Reverberations of times lost and present

Echo throughout the halls as the winds begin to vent.

Decades of damage and neglect begin to show its age,

The only companion is hollowed out dreams and a metal cage.


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4th of July

In the bursts of colored explosions in the sky and in the flag that we wave on this hallowed and sacred day, there is much that is hidden.

In the words that we recite and songs that we sing, we are invisibility linked to all the hearts of the country and all those who have toiled and fought before us.

The words signed and declared to the world as the codex of timeless American values in the Declaration of Independence serves as the anchor and foundation for all that we stand and strive for.

We must be remembered both for our triumphs and for our failures, just as the Founding Brothers and Sisters are invariably human. We strive for human progress just as much as we strive to make a more perfect union.

We are not perfect nor should we be expected to be. We must be seen in the light with political theory, thought, and human forces of the late 17th and early 18th centuries. They lived in a time unbridled by the crusts of the past and small steps that could lead to the future.

We cannot and must not impose 21st Century ideals to this time as it is obfuscates the context and structure of a previous space and time. We must look at this time without the expectations that it would turn out as we know it eventually would. Despite the Founders’ title as natural aristocracy or as an elitist group of individuals, we must remember them as statesmen whose thoughts about government and service ran in different streams than our own.

We toast our Founders for their willingness to fight for a novel and unique creature that had yet to exist in the world. The Declaration began this process of self-reflection as each colony would create a government all their own, most based on a formula written by John Adams.

We had yet to call our collective selves, “Americans,” but the evolutionary process would get us there, most importantly in the signing of the Constitution and the binding of our national priorities.

Let us celebrate our birthday as the descendants and progeny of the Enlightenment and the boundless experiment that our forebears began with the “shot heard ’round the world.” Both as the physical weapons that won the war and as the verbal and lyrical weapons of Enlightenment that we unleashed onto the world almost two and half centuries ago.

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Tendrils of madness touch the outer rim,Shades of light fade toward the limb.

The scales shift as the rain falls,

Grains of sand push up against the wall.

Entreated energy fails to reach,

All that is heard is meaningless speech.

Strains of fellowship crack the land,

When all that is needed is an outstretched hand.

The path is well beaten and well tread,

Not the exception but the rule instead.

The spirit endures if only by threads,

Bound foundations of the self that shreds.

Marooned upon the isle of the night,

Silence reigns for the strings scared by fright.

Two sides of the self battle for control,

Each a different side of the soul,

Bringing different eyes and a different whole,

With an overlapping and contradictory goal.

Love and caring left by the shores

Bundled up in tatters from the war.

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Dialectic of Governance

American colonists’ commitment to self-governance began with the Mayflower compact and the colonial charters that brought many immigrants from Europe to America. During Britain’s neglect of colonials from 1620 (the arrival of the Pilgrims) up to 1763 (the signing of the Treaty of Paris to end the French-Indian war), the colonies enjoyed a period of great and far-reaching local control and autonomy, only adhering to British supremacy when it came to international commerce, relations with foreign nations, and regional, national and international threats to the British and by extension its colonies in North America (Dye 64-65, Ellis American Creation 23). Thereafter, the British started to reorganize the structure of the imperial system, in particular colonies and territories that were held overseas. This change in tactics meant that the British were taking more control over their territories, most specifically, having the territories pulled under the direct authority of Parliament. The colonists objected to this change in relationship and because of this constitutional difference, the American Revolution began as the British government and the colonies fought for supremacy (Ellis American Creation 23-24). In the lead up to and during the midst of the Revolution, the colonies gathered in the Continental Congress to coordinate efforts between them and formed their own version of national government to battle the efforts of the British. As they sought more cooperation, the Congress and its delegates formalized its commitments with the ratification of the Articles of Confederation (Dye 66). The articles took a while to take hold and in the end as Ellis states, “the Articles was not really a government at all, rather a diplomatic conference where the sovereign states, each of which regarded itself as an autonomous nation met to coordinate a domestic version of foreign policy. It was designed to be weak” (Ellis American Creation 88).

With the ineffectual Articles in full display, many prominent leaders, namely George Washington, James Madison, among others, watched as the dream they had fought for was fading away. Three events or issues saw to sharpen the focus of those concerned with the state of the country after the colonies won their independence. First, the rebellion of farmers in Western Massachusetts was an alarm bell for many in political establishment as it showed the ineffectiveness of the “national government’s” response to the crisis. Second, the failed Annapolis Convention where very few states attended making it clear that reform of the Articles wasn’t on the mind of state governments. Third, was Western lands and the ability for the government to provide for new avenues for citizens into the future (Ellis American Creation 95-96). Both Madison and Washington thereafter became convinced that reform wasn’t a viable strategy. With this in mind, they advocated calling a Constitutional Convention with prominent political figures from all colonies, and most of all the hero of the Revolution, George Washington being present at the Convention.

With the Convention called, two plans were put forward, one, the Virginia Plan at the very beginning of the Convention and the New Jersey plan after other delegates were able to come up with a solution of their own. The Virginia Plan most resembles state constitutions signed after the Declaration of Independence. Three separate branches of government, a bicameral legislature, an executive with a council and a judiciary chosen by the legislature. The New Jersey Plan most resembled the Articles of Confederation, a unicameral legislature, a judiciary, and an executive. It left most of the power in the states hands, except that it added the ability for the national government to conduct foreign policy and the ability to raise taxes (Dye 71). Ultimately a compromise was found in that they would blend the proposals to create a unique creation in the structure that the signed Constitution created. The battle would now shift to the state’s themselves. The most important being New York and Virginia, two states essential to the Constitution’s success. In preparation for the New York convention, John Jay, Alexander Hamilton and James Madison would write the seminal work known as the Federalist Papers. They were pro-Constitution writings that tried to galvanize support in New York for the Constitution and often are used in present day as a guide to the founder’s intentions (Dye 84-85). As for the Virginia convention, Madison spent a great deal of time researching the history of past republics in Greece and other places. He would use this research to lay out the reason for the complex balance and structure of the American government (Ellis American Creation 103). Ultimately, Madison concluded after careful and thoughtful reflection that [the Constitution], “It is in a manner unprecedented. It stands by itself. In some respects, it is a government of federal nature; in others it is of a consolidated nature. “We the people” did not refer to one great body but the people composing thirteen separate sovereignties” (Ellis American Creation 123).

The Constitution was purposely created as a multi-faceted document that allowed for changes in structure and the adaptability to respond to the evolution of America as a nation-state. The balance of power between the states and the federal government in the American system of federalism is a complex beast like that of the Constitution itself. As the country grew in both territory and population, the government and its institutions had to adapt to the conditions and circumstances of the people within its confines. The use of amendments and the co-existence of state and federal structures make this possible and adaptable to changes in how the government and the citizenry react in crises and fundamental changes in composition.

 In the more recent era, a new drive to change the balance from what was seen as lopsided toward the national government and move toward regaining power for the states. It began in earnest in Reagan’s administration and continued through George W. Bush’s administration. It has increasing become a conservative mantra that the federal government is “too powerful” and as such the federal government has to become lean and smaller as a result (Dye 225-227). Roe vs. Wade in 1973 and the Supreme Court’s decisions on Obamacare and Congress’ ability to tax are seen as signs that the federal government has overreached. What this view fails to comprehend and appreciate is that in both cases, the failure of states to properly and responsibly deal with the issues addressed made it necessary and proper for the federal government and more specifically the Supreme Court to weigh in. In each cases, both with abortion and with healthcare, a multitude of states applied and passed laws that didn’t give transference between them as necessary until the articles of the Constitution. In addition, when case outcomes from the Appeals Court sends mixed signals about the application of law, the Supreme Court must act as the final orbiter of the Constitution. Both of these issues cannot be sorted out on the state level as they involve fundamental rights that are expressed protected by the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. The use of the “necessary and proper” clause and of “general welfare” is part of where the ability of Congress to legislate on the idea of healthcare and the well-being, welfare, of its collective citizens. The right to an abortion, as the Supreme Court saw it, was given in the Bill of the Rights and thus protected from state interference.

 A new threat to the traditional form of federalism is the internet as it changes many of the traditional equations of law, commerce, rights and so forth. In describing the implementation of internet sales tax laws, Bowman points out that “45 sales tax states will forgo approximately $11 billion in lost revenue from untaxed e-commerce sales” (18). Because many businesses use online sales, they are not currently taxed in a uniform manner like you would if the business had a physical location in a city. Also, because these businesses often cross many state lines to get merchandise to their customers, this scenario is a perfect case for the application of the commerce clause under the Congress’ legislative duties and functions. Since one of the chief sources of state revenue is sales tax, the government structures need to adapt to the changing landscape of commerce. Federal, state and local laws need to do the same, especially when it comes to e-commerce, internet and electronic laws as well as rights and responsibilities of government and citizen action.

 Part of the challenges facing the government in the 21st century is the internet and the acceleration of technology as Bowman writes, “The expectations for e-government is high. Jurisdictions see it as a more efficient means for delivering information and services to citizens, but citizens tend to see it as a mechanism for making government more accountable” (18). This discussion about e-government will broaden the prism that Americans discuss and view the changing landscape in the context of the national and state government’s role in their lives.

The context of this discussion is not whether one is bigger than the other but rather if each is given the ability to exercise the efficiencies and constituencies that mold the sovereignty of each in ways that balance and regulate the diffusion of power. On some issues, the state does this better and on some others the federal government does. One is not inherently better than the other and the issue of supremacy is not a concept that will be resolved at any point. As Ellis points out in both of his books, the conversation is never one to be resolved, merely the context in which we discuss the issues of the day and continue in the tradition of our forefathers. Seeing both the music and words of the Revolution in the personas of Jefferson and Adams, we see the undulation of the American promise with an endless circling of traditions. Both are traditions of the American people and they will continue to circle each other as the wheels of time turn.


Works Citied

Bowman, Ann O’M. “American Federalism on the Horizon.” Publius: Vol. 32, No.2, The Global

Review of Federalism (Spring 2002). pp 3-22. Web. 8 November 2015.

Dye, Thomas and Ronald Gaddie. Politics in America. Tenth Ed. Boston: Pearson, 2014. Print.

Ellis, Joseph J. American Creation. New York: Vintage Books, 2007. Print.

Ellis, Joseph J. Founding Brothers. New York: Vintage Books, 2000. Print.

Michaels, Jon D. “An Enduring, Evolving Separation of Powers.” Columbia Law Review,
Vol. 115 No. 3 (April 2015). pp.515-597. Web. 8 November 2015. 

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The wind carries the replies of the long lost,The voice brings only the lost wisps of frost.

The winter brings only comfort and warmth from without

But it barely does much to comfort from within.

All that’s left is the voices lost on the wind and the frozen memories

Of the times gone by.

The greatest of them vivid colors and strokes,

Merely the projection of the mind searching.

The search begins in the distant past

And the search ends in the present with much gone fast.

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In the English language, my name is a dime a dozen, a common rock that looks like so many others. In Greek, my name stands for an act of compassion, just as waters flow over the beach as a means of cooling and soothing.
My parents wanted their baby boy to be a junior but like a Greek vagabond in the streets of Paris, my name changed from Gregory Jr. to Jason. From one familiarity to another.

I once saw my name as the rock that refused to get out of my shoe, something that bugs you but its power and content prevent its removal. My name was the rock in my shoes, something akin to a birthmark on others. Accepted but unwanted. In the classrooms of the early years, I was merely Jason number four, fourth for the order my name was on the list.

As the hands of time moved I found what my name actually meant. My name stands for healer. The revelation came as the sensation that the meditating mind and body has when it finds its ground and center. Whole and connected. A lightning bolt of soothing and warmth-filled energy emanating from my heart and soul. My name found its home in the heart that embodied its meaning, the healer of wounds and of trauma.

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What began as a struggle of constitutional disagreement between the colonies and Mother Country, ended as one of the greatest political separations in human history.  We celebrate the nexus of this disagreement in the sacred founding text, The Declaration of Independence. It serves as a reminder of the restitute nature that our forebears began to plot their own course.  They exited the British Empire reluctantly and sought to found a new nation for each of their respective states. We were not unified as a nation but we were on the path toward a more perfect union:

Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.–Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government.

It is today that we thank the statesmen and political leaders of the era for the wherewithal and conviction to see this document signed and enacted in the thirteen colonies.

Flags and songs are mere flourishes against the ink and paper that started the earthquake of our national experiment; its’ words echo through the ages as a fundamental piece of American philosophy and conviction.

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Bring forward forgotten memories as they lie upon the vine before the grove. Small orbs of remembrance as they are the millions of dew drops that rain from the sky as the water falls to the world; Nourishment to the waking world as it cleanses and cleans; washes and springs anew.

Dreams fall like a shooting star as magnificent blazes of fire; green in color for life and the building blocks for future growth. What once was ash will again stoke the fires of hearth and vine.

Life gives way to life, one life the nourishment for another. A cycle repeated before the forest of trees as the lives of men fall like leaves upon the grass as summer begets fall.

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Longing to Rise

Like the generation that fought for control of their futures in the lead-up to the American Revolution and like the generation that headed West to lands unknown and unexplored, I too seek the future that awaits me on the path and beyond.

As Alexis de Tocqueville in his seminal work, On Democracy in America, explained, he saw a tremendous drive by Americans to rise in their life, a relentless drive to reach for the unknown and uncharted.

My drive is to share my love of governance and politics in the classroom.  I am no oracle or philosopher but perhaps I can bring some compassion to the world that informs us of our roots and points toward our shared future.

I am not alone in being critical on our government, how it currently operates and how it is portrayed in the echo chamber that is the news media and their companion 24-hour news networks. We have become the five minute news clip that gives not an inkling of context, history or thoughtful commentary.

Unfortunately historians and academic experts have given way to pundit and commentator. Politicians are no longer arbiters of public good but organs of “re-election.”

Governance only works when the public is part of the conversation and the fourth estate is rigorous and free from censorship. Where critical thinking, thoughtful debate and respect are the banners of the informed.

We rise and fall as one; one nation, one creed and one multi-faceted people.

The power of this country is not the flag, our military, our economic power or our religious fervor;

It is in that sacred creed and document we call the Constitution.

We are the government and as long as we have a longing to rise, to be better and to perfect this union; we will continue to thrive as the Democratic Republic that we are. Hopefully I can add to this conversation that reaches back to when the Pilgrims first arrived and reaches into the long future.

E Pluribus Unum.

Out of many, one.

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